Nepal and India are both in turmoil due to the severe ethnic separatist movements in their territories. India has been tackling such movements since its independence in 1947. Time has offered more ethnic conflicts for India and some of them have already turned into protracted conflicts. Nepal experienced its first armed ethnic movement ‘Limbuwan’ hardly a decade ago. But, after Nepal turned into a republic in 2006, numerous ethnic uprisings have dramatically gained momentum. Here, we will see two conflicts; one from India, known as the Gorkhaland Movement, and another from Nepal, identified as the Madhesis Movement.Not very surprisingly, both countries have to deal with ethnic groups that have strong ties with the other country: On one hand, Gorkhas who are Nepali speaking people in India, on the other hand, Madhesis whose language roots are deeply originated from the Indian language- Hindi.The issue in both the conflicts is of self-image and of self-governance. Power is centered somewhere that they hardly have access to. Unequal distribution of resources and other discriminations are root causes in both the movements. This has created an ‘I am different than the other’ perception in both the conflicting parties, where the other is the majority or the ruling class. In this context of the cultural and linguistic difference, the severe structural violence has given momentum for both the movements.Gurkhas demanding Gurkhaland to be the 30th State of India
Gurkhas, the Nepali speaking population in India, are struggling for a free state since 1980s. One of the basic anxieties of the Gurkhas is the prejudice they endure in their state ‘West Bengal’ and on the whole from the Hindi speaking majority in India. They argue that, they are often tagged as Nepalese of Nepal, and not Indians. The feelings of relative deprivation and discriminations have led them to believe that they do not have equal opportunity in West-Bengal.
The Gurkhaland became a catch word for the unity of those who speak Nepali, not necessarily for whom Nepali is their mother tongue but also whose ancestors moved from Nepal. Being Gurkha is more than an ethnicity now in India, it has transformed into a political identity to those who are fighting for their freedom.
The movement started with the leadership of Subash Ghising through Gurkha National Liberation Front (GNLF). Since then, it took more than one thousand lives. The Indian government used force to repress the movement which escalated the conflict further. Subir Bhaumik in Separatist Movement is India’s North-East opines, ‘for the British North-East remained a frontier, never a constituent region of the Empire.’ It looks like Delhi still perceives the North East with the British viewpoint.
Amedeo Maiello in Ethnic Conflict in Post- Colonial India writes, ‘The Delhi based power structure retained the colonial state bureaucratic framework that was to have a growing and more political role; a power structure ever ready and willing to crush, in reference to the ethnic issue, not only secession movements but also any demands for concrete institutional recognition of ethnic-religious identities.’ The Gorkhaland movement also suffered high loss because of this Delhi strategy, sharing the plight with other ethnic movements.
After ten years of violent movement Gurkhas agreed for a peace talk in 1988, reached an agreement with the Indian government that lead to the formation of Gorkha Hill Council. GNLF ruled Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong for the last twenty years, under the acceptance of West Bengal as a state. For twenty long years the movement did not get much momentum, though most of the Gorkhas did not agree on the reached agreement, either scared by the government’s excessive use of force or without any strong leadership.Nevertheless, GNLF was not the only organization that inherited the Gurhka identity: In 2007, Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha (GJMM) led by Bimal Gurung has started the Gorkhland movement, demanding a free state for Gorkhas vowing to create one within 2010. Learning from the violent movement of 1980’s, the movement has tried to create a non-violent identity.
GJMM was active, though: After Telangana became the 29th state of India, GJMM members have started fresh rounds of strikes including the hunger strikes. Bimal Gurung has openly expressed dissatisfaction with the ongoing tripartite talks with the central and state government that started last July. After three rounds of talks, one of the demands of Gurkhas for scrapping ‘Gorkha Hill Council’ was met by the Indian central government. This is seen as a necessity by Gurkhas to establish Gorkhland as a state. However, in reality, Gurkhas lost the government, and Gorkhaland still looks like a long shot.
The non- cooperative movement that Gorkhas started has added complications for the West-Bengal state, as well as the central government. State taxes including the electric and phone bills are not being paid to the state of West Bengal. Gorkhas are changing the vehicle number plates registered in West Bengal (WB) to (GL) supporting Gorkhaland. This non- cooperation is sure to invite non-cooperation form the other side, but only the government knows, when and up to what scale.
With the support from Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the national party of India, the Gorkhaland movement has got a national voice in 2009. The Indian census of 2001 has recorded almost three million Nepali speaking Gurkhas and they might turn into a vote bank for Hindu radicals like BJP, if the conflict kept on escalating.
However, the West Bengal state is reluctant for any division to form Gorkhaland, and Gurkhas are reluctant to settle for anything less, like they did twenty years back. It seems like the clashes between Gurkhas and the security forces of West-Bengal are escalating every other month. Experts are speculating that this volatile environment might re-trigger the conflict since Gorkhas are focused on the formation of Gorkhaland state by 2010. This is Gurkhas expectation, built up on the promises of some political parties, but the truth might be very different.
The Indian concern and fear about the Gurkhaland is different. Gurkhland movement in India is seen as an ethnic revolution that endangers the overall unity and Integrity of India. It is one of the many ethnic movements in North- East India, and one successful ethnic movement paves the environment for another. For the Government of India, meeting the demand of Gurkhaland would mean to be ready to form at least eight other states in India.With Telangana as the newest state in the picture, India has 29 states and seven union territories. At least eight other ethnic groups are going through a violent movement demanding a state of their own. And these movements are being wild after Andhra Pradesh was annexed to from Telangana. By the way, Andhra Pradesh had emerged as the first state formed on the linguistic basis of reorganizing states in 1953, which was annexed from the then Madras or present Tamil Nadu.
The Indian government is equally responsible for pushing the conflict into a conflict spiral, but now it is high time to learn from its ‘heavy tactics errors’ before other movements like Gurkhaland turn intractable.Nepal’s discriminated Madhesis
Hardly a decade ago, Nepal faced its first armed ethnic insurgence called ‘Limbuwan’. Unfortunately, this was not the only one: After becoming a republic in 2006, Nepal had to deal with numerous ethnic uprisings which have dramatically gained momentum.
Madhesis, speakers of linguistically sibling of Hindi language, are only one of them. And ironically, Nepal’s Madhesis are discriminated the same way as India’s Gurkhas – a Nepali speaking minority in India. These dark- skinned people from the Southern plain of Nepal have even less representation in the national administration.
According to the latest census of 2001 there are 103 casts and ethnic groups throughout Nepal. Chetriya has the largest population of three and half million who share Nepali as the mother tongue with the Brahmins. They together make 29 percentage of the whole population and have ruled Nepal for two hundred years. The other ethnic groups like, Maithili, Bhojpuri, Tamang, Newar, Magar, Limbu, Tharu and others, always remained out of the central power structure, not to mention the nomadic ethnic groups Raute which is in the verge of extinction.
Madhesh is a word formed by the combination of two Sanskrit words Madhya and Desh, meaning “center” and “country” respectively. It refers to the people who live in the plains in between the Yamuna River in the east to the Brahmaputra River to the west. In Nepal though, this plain land which is in between Mechi and Mahakali is known as Terai rather than Madhesh.
However, the word Madeshi includes those people who speak Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi and other languages which have close connection to Hindi language. Tharus, who are considered to be one of the indigenous ethnic groups of eastern Terai, do not want to be enlisted under the word Madhesh and prefer Terai instead.
The fertile plains of Terai belt is the real store house of food for Nepal. But before 2007, Terai’s hardworking people were politically marginalized and had fewer representatives in the national politics. The Nepal army has literally closed its doors for them and the Police force has accommodated few hundreds for the sake being inclusive.
Another long-existing factor that affects the situation in Nepal is the Bahunbad, described by some historians as an ideology, policy and practice of domination of one cast (Bahun – Chettri), one religion (Hindu), one language (Khash- Nepali), one culture (Hindu), one region (the Kathmandu Valley), and one sex (male) over others. However, the present is changing, though slowly.
Actually, things changed with the first election in the Federal Republic of Nepal. Ram Baran Yadav, who is not only the first President of Nepal, he also became the first Madhesi in the political limelight of Nepal. The history was made, but that did not really change the situation of the Terai plain. The system that has a hundred years history has strong social roots that hardly have space for Madhesis in every form of government. And the structural change that has taken place are so deeply rooted into the minds of both Madhesis and Non-Madhesis that, one president cannot bring change in the existing harsh reality.
In January 2008, Madheshi parties started a revolution for liberation from Nepal. Led by Mahanta Thakur, Upendra Yadav and Rajendra Mahator, the 21 days of continuous protest the settled an agreement with the seven party alliances that had an interim government, under the then Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala. The revolution ended but produced 38 martyrs.
The movement crippled the life of people in the Kathmandu and other cities, as the only East- West highway that is through Terai was blocked. The Government of Nepal signed an eight point agreement with the united democratic Madhesi Front that includes the demand of a free state for Madhesis which is yet to materialize.Experts highlight the ethnic conflicts to be the major problem against Nepal’s political stability. However, this does not change the fact that every ethnic group and their parties have their own views on their future states and their own demarcation.However, it is also true that the restoration of democracy with the principles of popular sovereignty, equality, freedom, and cultural rights has provided platform for ethnic activism in Nepal. It is yet to see how many ethnic groups would start ethnic revolution for sovereignty equality and freedom.Nepal has a fear of Madhesi movement turning into a separatist movement in the future. The fear is to the extent that some political parties openly admit that if the Madhesi ethnic population came into power in the national politics, they might turn Nepal into Sikkim. There are political and social contexts that foster this fear.”There will be no Nepal if we fail to raise nationalist feeling among ourselves,” Maoist leader Mohan Baidya. “Our Nepal will be dissolved sooner than later.”Naturally, Baidya is not the only one uttering dissolution, almost all the parties have time and again emphasized on it. Even the right wing political parties of the country suspect that Madhesis agitation as a product of the Indian desire to keep Nepal under its security umbrella. And also Madhesis’ free state demand is considered to be the beginning of ever growing Indian influence in Nepal. It is not surprising for many Nepalis, to see their “Big Brother” behind the Madhesis movement.Currently, the new Nepali constitution is underway to resolve its ethnic conflict with a 14 province roadmap. Reorganizing the 14 new states on ethnic, geographical and linguistic basis, the constitution is also accommodating the Madhesis’ demands.On the other hand, the issue of Gorkhland is yet to be recognized by the government of India. Since 1980, Gorkhas had several confrontations with the national security force, no need to mention the several violent clashes with Bengali population, which have lead to thousands of deaths.